To be able to establish a comparison between the religion of the Orishas of Nigeria and the Rule of Ocha or Santería in Cuba four aspects that I consider exists basicaly in order to sum up similarities and dicotomías, those which have to be subjected to analysis in both cults.

Purpose of the System. -
The religion of the Orishas of Nigeria is located in an area where the purpose of the traditional beliefs is centered in the happy traffic from the life to the death", as they settled down in the second half of last century the British anthropologists Augusto Mockler Perrymon and Mary Kingsley (7).
According to the eminently practical sense that prevails in all the traditional religions to the South of the Sahara, it is fundamental in the systemic structure of the same this aspect of the purpose, all time that generates it the complex of motivations that defines the practice in a certain way of popular religiosity.
In this case the attributions of such orishas are in dependence of that " step " or to traffic that the believer carries out from the " ayé " or concrete reality where her existence reflects until the " alem " or world of the realities where the gods and the spirits live of those that before went toward the " olum " or the infinite thing. When we added the total spectrum of the attributions conferred to the orishas, we see like all their roads are assumed so that the believer can carry out the basic objective of her faith.

Relationship between the belief and the socioeconomic mark where it resides. -
In the Nigerian case we see like a total correspondence exists among the socioeconomic reality and feeling religious or. said otherwise, between the material culture and the spiritual one, where certainly one is consequence of the other one and vice versa, because although it is certain that in a first moment the objective realities of the means delineated many of the fundamental aspects in the traditional religious system, as the economic base (consumption goods, technology, etc.) it is developed; the spiritual culture and inside her the religious thing, imposes the approaches that govern the social development, until the point that perhaps it could qualify as reversion, when it ends up determining in not few aspects inside the own economic relationships.
But it is also necessary to keep in mind that many of those mythical beings are the result of a deificación process that embraced historical or real characters, idealized by virtue of the mechanisms characteristic of the cult to the ancestors and of the interests of the dominant groups; characters that existed and whose biography embraced events, people and truthful places; places perhaps daily for the believers' great part in Nigeria and other near places where is practiced that religion, all that which contributes to a bigger narrowing between the mythical thing and the real thing, because for those practitioners it is very easy to transgress in both addresses the limits between the supernatural thing and the concrete thing.

Dependence system. -
In the religion of the Nigerian Orishas the relationship between the believers and the orishas is determined by a dependence system that practically excludes all possibility of the outrages that imply the " pleasure " or the " likeness " these devotions they are unwrapped in the transculturaciones Afro-American.
A traditional believer in Nigeria is not bound to an orisha because this is the one that he likes or the nearest to her type, but for a cultural acondicionamiento that has three degrees or ways: the relative, the community one (village, town or city) and the occupation.
The first orisha that belongs him is this way that of its own family; in second term, for natural law it is bound to that of the place where he lives and finally, it is linked with the one that sponsors the occupation, work or function by means of which obtains its sustenance and that of its family.
With this maximum of three possibilities that can be two , according to the coincidences that take place among the three dependences, the devote one traditional in Nigeria it solves all their problems, without having to appeal before to any other orisha outside of those established.

Morphology of the Orisha. -
As before I indicated the orishas they are beings Intermediary antropomórficos between Oloddumaré and the men, all and each one of them in Nigeria is able to solve the necessities of their devote ones totally, because there is in each one of them an integralidad that makes unnecessary the competition of other orishas to assist the demands of who believe in them.
But also, although for the extension that can embrace the cult to a certain orisha it is susceptible that in certain regions said orisha can have different names, that doesn't imply that each denomination corresponds to a different orisha, not even to roads or invocations dissimilar of the same one, but rather all those appellatives constitute only ways of calling it, those that sometimes indicate a specific place where they surrender him cult, or also the different ones holding that possesses this orisha.
An example of the before exposed Pierre Verger toasts when mentioning the seven titles that accompany to the name of Ogún in the territory of the yorubás, they are these Ogún Igiri in Adja Were; Ogún Edeyi in Ilodo; Ogún Ondó in Pobe, Igbo-Iso and Irokonyi; Ogún Igboibó in Ixedé; Ogún Elénjo in Ibanion and Modogan; Ogún Olópe in Exedé Ijé and Ogún Abesan in Ibarike Fudite, but all are the same Ogún, god of the war and the blacksmiths' boss (8).
Lastly it is necessary to keep in mind the historical factor in most of the orishas, being frequent that diverse feats attributed by the traditional sources to these characters, have been incorporate to their mythical biography when deidificados and the factor of the physical proximity of the places that served from scenario to those remarkable facts, were it is an element that gravitates in the religious conscience of those who profess this cult in the Nigerian Southwest.

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